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Under Clinton's and Bush's drug czars, the United States experienced the
steepest spike drug arrests in its history ( contributing to the fattest swell
of anti-drug spending ). Drug arrests jumped over 80 percent since 1992.
And despite the effort, the White
House reports that drug use has Risen
But Kerlikowske, since he became chief in 2000, has been at the police
department's helm while Seattle made some of the most aggressive to drug
enforcement allowed under federal law. He never stood in the way.
And now Kerlikowske is poised to become the most influential person in federal
government to set new drug laws.
The needle-exchange test: The Obama administration has already identified this
as its most pressing drug issue. Last week, Obama sent American
negotiators to the UN orders to reverse Bush's block on needle exchange.
He wants to allow clean needles-in Europe
and in the US. What's Kerlikowske's record?
"There has been long-standing support in the community as a whole and from
SPD for our continued operation of the needle exchange," says James Apa, a
spokesman for Seattle King County
Public Health, which runs one of first and the nation's largest
needle-exchange programs. Seattle IV drug users have some of the lowest
HIV-infection rates in the country, he says. But acceptance of the
controversial program hasn't been that long standing.
"What we would find is that police would hang around the exchange site and
watch who came and went," says Kris Nyrop, former director of Street
Outreach Services, a pioneering needle exchange group that operated a table in
downtown Seattle in the
late 1980s. "Their presence itself would be somewhat intimidating ...
people would see four police officers halfway down the block and they would turn
around and go home," he says. "Harassment like that happened
routinely up until the mid '90s."
But under Kerlikowske, "It has been a laissez-faire thing and the police
basically leave needle exchanges alone," says Nyrop.
Pot arrests have plummeted under Kerlikowske's watch. When he took office
in 2000, Seattle police arrested 332 people for misdemeanor marijuana
possession; by 2006, the number had dropped to 148. Some of that decline
is likely due to Seattle passing Initiative 75, which made marijuana enforcement
the city's lowest law-enforcement priority. But Kerlikowske didn't try to
block I-75. While City Attorney Tom Carr joined Bush's Drug Czar John
Walters at a press conference to oppose the measure-and Carr campaigned against
the measure for months-Kerlikoske was mum. And after voters passed the law
in 2003, SPD told a City Council Marijuana Policy Review Panel that
"officers [had] been verbally advised during their roll calls that
investigation and arrest of adults for possession of cannabis intended for
personal use is to be their lowest priority." At Hempfest-where tens of
thousands of
people smoke pot in unison-SPD sergeant Lou Eagle told a reporter, "We are
not out there to enforce the marijuana laws." And medical-marijuana
patients, who could still be arrested despite the state's medical-pot law, found
Kerlikowske fair. Had Kerlikowske chosen, SPD could have maintained or
increased pot arrests. But he didn't.
In striking contrast, Walters's number-one priority was marijuana. "[N]o
drug matches the threat posed by marijuana," his office wrote in a letter
telling federal attorneys to ratchet up prosecutions. And under Walters,
the Drug
Enforcement Administration and federal prosecutors made a point of
busting medical pot collectives in California.
But for Kerlikowske, pot was his lowest priority.
Hold on-Obama's not about to legalize pot.
The bigger issue-and safer issue, politically-is replacing enforcement with
public services. On that issue Kerlkowske has incubated a revolution.
Seattle implemented two programs that get drug users off the street before they
get arrested. Most notably, the Get Off The Streets ( GOTS ) program
hatched in the Central District when Lieutenant John Hayes ( now a captain ) set
up a table as an arrest-free area that people with criminal warrants could visit
for health and human services.
"That was, at that time, a very edgy approach, and the chief was willing to
let one of his people staff the program," says City Council Member Nick
Licata, who soon seized on the idea, passing legislation to fund the project
permanently. "It was a stage where Gil could have stopped it from
[getting funding], but he allowed it go forward," he says.
"He's not saying we should do away with the drug war, but I think he
recognizes that it has not been a success and I think he is open to other
strategies," Licata continues. "That may be due to some of his
experiences here. Seattle may get some credit for exposing him to
real-time experiments, such as I-75, as to what could happen nationally."
And nationally, Kerlikowske could be a drug czar who pushes to lift the federal
ban on funding needle exchange, stops the medical pot raids in California,
overhauls our nonsensical anti-drug commercials, and enthusiastically seeks
funding for drug-treatment programs.
The brilliance of Obama's pick for drug czar is not just finding someone who is
open to new strategies, but someone who nonetheless holds undeniable
qualifications as a cop. Nobody can claim Kerlikowske is a public-health
nut who doesn't know the impact of drugs on the streets. Like many
Americans, he agrees that drugs should be illegal. But he understands the
place for low priorities and public health-and he's willing to step back where
enforcement alone has failed.
Note: Dominic Holden is a reporter for The
Stranger and a board member of the National Organizations for the Reform
of Marijuana Laws. In years past, he served as director of the Seattle
Hempfest, organizer of the ACLU of Washington's Marijuana Education
Project, and chair of campaign to pass Initiative 75, which made marijuana
possession the Seattle's lowest law-enforcement priority. This piece was
originally posted at the Stranger Slog - http://drugsense.org/url/7VhCEC57